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1 In Salvador, Bahia, national and international
development agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), contribute
greatly to articulate and transform notions of Afro-Brazilian consciousness.
While NGOs often publicly rally against policies of the state, they nonetheless
interact quite closely with various sections of the very same state, and
also often depend on collaboration with it. All actors on the public arena
have an interest in promoting Afro-Brazilian identity and culture. State
agencies try to promote Salvador as ”the Africa of Brazil” in order to
attract attention and tourists, most NGOs in Salvador have ethnic or racial
identity on their agenda, while, more specifically, the Afro-Brazilian
movement try to promote a specific Afro-Brazilian identity and fight racial
discrimination. This paper examines how notions of Afro-Brazilian
consciousness is articulated and constantly transformed by examining the
ideology and actions of two NGOs, and its interaction with development
agencies and the state. One of the organizations is dominated by white
academics, while the other one is a base community, where the leaders
come from the same area as their disciples. A number of scholars argue that there has occurred
a clear historical break in Western society during the last decades between
a former mode of capitalism, primarily based on industrial production,
and subsequent ones where information generation, processing and transmission
has become the most central part of the economy; transforming the relations
of production (e.g. Castells 1997, Melucci 1989, Giddens 1991, Gilroy
1987, Touraine 1981). The
terms they utilize to depict the transformed society varies between the
scholars, depending on how they regard the nature of this change; Touraine
(1981) labels it post programmed society, which he contrasts with programmed
ones, Jameson (1991) refers to it as the postmodern society, characterized
by its fragmentary structure and relative lack of class consciousness,
Giddens (1991) rejects the term postmodern, arguing that Western countries
are experiencing a period of late modernity, and that there is no qualitative
shift in the present society, but that traits of modern society rather
have been more radicalized and universalized than transformed. Melucci
(1989), in his turn, chooses the term ‘the complex society’, to emphasize
the fragmentation of homogenous structures that supposedly prevailed during
the industrial period. Even though these scholars may argue about both the scope of change and the degree of transformation they nonetheless agree on several variables that characterizes contemporary Western society. First of all they emphasize that information generation, processing and transmission, that is, the communication of knowledge, has greatly transformed or even revolutionized, the economic and social organization of Western society. This factor, together with the rapid increase of capital- and financial transactions across borders (Lash and Urry 1994), and the ever expanding movement of people, due to labor migration and refugees, has resulted in a belief in the expanding integration of the world and a subsequent declining importance of nation-states (Appadurai 1996). Furthermore, these scholars argue that the old industrial mode of production has started to decompose, contributing to the declining importance of the working class as a central actor. Since production is becoming more diverse and the service sector and the tertiary sector is rapidly expanding, this inevitably leads to the surge of new classes and fractions. According to these scholars this process has had the effect that the polarization between oppressing and oppressed classes gets more blurred or, in the most extreme cases, disappear altogether (cf. Baudrillard 1981). Their main argument is that these changes of
the mode of production, of the organization of society and of the symbols
of reproduction and change has contributed to the appearance and fast
multiplication of various forms of social movements, representing both
more encompassing and particular interests than traditional class based
organizations. The new social movements struggle not only to appropriate
the material and political means of production but to influence the development
of society at large. According to both Touraine (1977), and Melucci (1989)
the distinctive characteristic of these movements are their potential
for universalizing the issue of emancipation beyond class particularistic
interests. Or as Touraine (1981) puts it: “in their common struggle for
the social control of historicity”. Their conclusion is that these new
movements are part of a new phase of class conflict; a historical phase
which makes it necessary to modernize and reanalyze the entire structure
and vocabulary of class. As noted above the main reason for the growing
importance of these movements is supposed to be due to the fact that Western
society has entered a distinctly new historical phase; may it be called
late modernity (Giddens 1992), postmodernity (Jameson 1991) or just complex
society (Melucci 1989). From this conclusion logically follows that social
movements in the South must be of an entirely different kind since those
societies could either be characterized as either industrial- or preindustrial
societies (Slater 1985). And even if they exist the roles they play ought
to be quite different from that in the Western sphere since the scholars
above link the genesis and function of the new social movements to a particular
late capitalist mode of production. But is it really possible to assert that there
are clear boundaries between what Eder (1993) refers to as “advanced”
and “unadvanced” countries? Let us look a bit more closely on how Touraine
and Giddens define the main traits of the new information society. As Appadurai (1996) and Hannerz (1996) assert
the flows of information, people and capital connect poor and rich regions
alike in a tangle of ways, breaking down the analytical barriers between
developed and undeveloped regions that Touraine and Giddens seem to imagine
exist. The difference in the role of social movements between regions
is rather a matter of power, than of distinct modes of production. Castell
(1997) argue that the way modern society is socially organized make information
generation and transmissions the fundamental source of that power. From
this follows that it is not primarily the scope of information generation
and transmission that separates a country like Brazil from Western states,
but rather the source and direction of flow.
Western core
values The main source of the discourse and the concepts
that are spread through the loosely connected circuit of NGOs is definitely
of Western origin (cf. Boli and Thomas 1999, Hulme and Edwards 1997),
but then they are appropriated, elaborated and then reintroduced into
circulation, rather in the same way as commodities in the market economy
(cf. Appadurai 1996). The topics that are stressed by international
NGOs (INGOs) that financially support local organizations working with
youngsters in Brazil are limited in numbers: they include education, sexuality,
gender and ethnicity. The emphasis NGOs working in Brazil put on ethnicity
instead of the popular folk concept raça
is, for example, definitely part of an internationally accepted terminology;
that encompasses raça but the
concept is nonetheless slowly transformed into an intermediary form. Or
as a young girl in an intermediary NGO in Salvador put it: “Raça
stands for different groups of people, that have different culture and
descent; and etnia (ethnicity),
well /pause/ that is when you mix them all”. She was in no way exceptional
for the youth that participated in this NGO; only one of out of 15 interviewees
could correctly define ethnicity, even though ethnicity was supposed to
be one of the main subjects that this NGO dealt with. Boli and Thomas (1999) assert how certain core
values of Western origin are embedded in the discourse of international
development agencies: with an emphasis on rationalization, individualization,
and, not least, ethnic diversity. Even if they do note that different
regions and different groups articulate, negotiate and transform these
values in different ways they do not analyze this process. It is interesting to study what happens when
discourses based on these core values, promoted by INGOs, run up against
political and economic systems that are permeated by racial distinctions,
class hierarchies and gender differences. But in order to grasp this paradox
one has to remember that different regions in the world are integrated
on various levels in this informational network, rather like Wallerstein’s
(1974) theory of how the world was divided between core and periphery
in capitalism. In classic world theory the division between regions was
based on the market of commodities, a division that still exists, for
sure, but the market of information has become just as crucial in the
creation and maintenance of hierarchy among nation-states (cf. Castells
1997, Appadurai 1996, Ong 1999). I would like to argue that the circulating
images and concepts in Salvador that emphasize equality and rationalization
do not necessarily make the class and racial hierarchies in the city more
transparent. They could theoretically well function as a counter-hegemonic
discourse that helps the subaltern to unveil dominant ideological discourse.
But in the case of Salvador no fraction any longer publicly seems to promote
a discourse based on white supremacy (cf. Twine 1997). The maintenance
of class hierarchy and racial supremacy is rather part of a hidden agenda
of a political and social network, that well-intentioned messages of racial
and gender equality may more help to mask than to expose.
Public actors There are several actors on the public arena that constitute Salvador and all of those in one way or another actually articulate and negotiate versions of Afro-Brazilian identity and culture. I will try to delineate the main actors and their dominating discourse concerning this subject. Local politicians. Presently the political
leadership of Salvador is conservative. Publicly they emphasize the importance
of Afro-Brazilian cultural forms, such as music, dance, religion, martial-art
and food (cf. A Tarde 1999.11.30), but they also stress the hybridity
and syncretism of these forms; how they form part of a specific Salvadorean
identity (cf. A Tarde 1999.11.30). The strong man of the state, senator
António Carlos Magalhães, also never loses an opportunity to make statements
that Salvador has a distinctive Afro-Brazilian identity. This relatively
new public support or even reverence of practices perceived as Afro-Brazilian
was apparent in the official celebrations of the priestess and terreiro
of Ilê Axé Opô Afonjá in November last year (A Tarde 1999.11.24). Both
the federal minister of culture and the state secretary of tourism and
culture paid homage to the priestess, Mãe Stella, and the event was presented
in media in positive terms. The political support of Afro-Brazilian culture
is linked to official strategies of trying to promote tourism in Salvador.
The last decade has witnessed a enhanced interest in the tourism industry
of the city; not least the restoration of the historical center, Pelourinho,
which has been turned into the very heart of tourism. And this pulsating
heart, where every bloc is full of shops, restaurants, bars and hotels
directed at tourists, is clearly linked both to the colonial history of
Salvador and its Afro-Brazilian heritage. Here one finds a geographically
constructed synthesis of the modern and official version of ‘racial democracy’.
Discrimination and racial oppression is concealed, obliterated, and the
reconciliation between different ethnic groups and classes is emphasized
both geographically and culturally. Here though, as in all areas, there is an ongoing
struggle of the interpretation and appropriation of symbols and cultural
forms. The Afro-Brazilian organizations have been successful in lobbying
politicians so that the current constitution of the state emphasizes that
candomblé may not be exploited
commercially in order to attract tourism (Carta Constitucional, Capitulo
XV, Art 275). The strength of this article was tried before the carnival
in 1993 when the federation of Afro-Brazilian Cults protested harshly
against the authorities’ decisions to chose candomblé-deities as the theme
of decoration for the forthcoming carnival (A Tarde 1993.1.19). The dispute
was tried in court and the Afro-Brazilian organizations won; the carnival
would not have the deities as a theme (Tribuna da Bahia 1993.1.19). The
state authority responsible for tourism in Salvador, EMTURSA, accepted
the verdict and were clearly anxious not to oppose the Afro-Brazilian
movement, at least publicly (Tribuna da Bahia 1993.1.22). Another actor on the public arena is the federal
authorities. President Fernando Henrique Cardoso has stated several times
that there exists racial discrimination in Brazil and that it might be
necessary to impose some kind of affirmative action, favouring Afro-Brazilians,
in order to ameliorate the economic and social position of the Afro-Brazilian
population (cf. A Tarde 1999.1.15). So far few measures have been taken
in this field, however. The music industry also exploit notions of
Afro-Brazilian rhythms and identity. This identity, however, is often
mediated and appropriated by white musicians, and the music industry is
largely in the hand of white, middle class persons (cf. Kjörling 1999,
Guerreiro 1998). It is interesting to observe, for example, that the woman
called the dark one (a morena)
in the popular group È o tchan
is actually white. Her dancing colleague is white and blond, and when
the group decided to use women that contrasted in appearance they did
not choose an Afro-Brazilian. One has to remember that the Afro-Brazilians
carnival groups, os Blocos Afro,
emerged during the 1970s to make it possible for Afro-Brazilians to participate
in the carnival groups. The discrimination against Afro-Brazilians by
the carnival groups of that period were large according to persons that
founded the Afro-groups Oludum and Ilê Ayé (Melo Santana 1998, Sodré 1998). The various Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGOs) fill an important function in the articulation, negotiation and
transformation of Afro-Brazilian identity in Salvador. They overlap with
new Afro social movements, but do not coincide entirely. Many Afro-Brazilian
movements register and organise themselves as NGOs in order to attract
support and funding. On the other hand, there are many genuine NGOs, in
the sense that they are not popular movements, that have incorporated
racial and Afro-Brazilian issues in their field of activities. NGOs is
a truly heterogeneous label. It does not only encompass certain movements,
but also organizations on various different levels (cf. Bosch 1997, Escobar
1992).
NGOs
on different levels I have chosen to conduct fieldwork in three
organizations at different organizational and strategic levels that all
contribute to the discourse of race and ethnicity in Salvador. Performa
is a top-run organization situated at an intermediary level; that is,
the staff of the organization consists of white, middle class academics,
that are differentiated by class and, in many cases, race from the youth
that participate. The principal activity of this NGO is to stage performances
of various kinds by youths and for youths, with themes that are believed
to be of central importance for young people in Salvador. After the end
of the performances the idea is that there should be discussions and debates
about the topics that have been dealt with. The participant youths of
Performa are recruited from low-income and low middle class groups. Performa
primarily deals with a limited number of main themes; among them etnia
(ethnicity). The themes Performa represent in performances
and debates coincide totally with the areas that are prioritized by the
various financial entities, both national and international: such as children’s
and adolescents’ rights, education, gender, transmissions of AIDS, and,
not least, ethnicity. It is interesting to note, however, that not one
of the youths that I have interviewed have been able to define ethnicity;
instead they utilize the folk concept raça
(race), that is used in a similar way to ethnicity, but conflates descent
and cultural traits. Performa has an extensive range of activities and
a large staff to run and administer these activities. They have to have
an elaborated sense of which themes that make it easier to attract funding
and how the projects shall be evaluated after they are completed, in order
to maintain the support and cooperation of the financing organizations. The debates on ethnicity and race promoted
by Performa outline Brazil as a country where the black and indigenous
population initially had to suffer many injustices and hardships. According
to Performa injustices and racial discrimination still occur on
a small scale, but will eventually be overcome, if the oppressors
are made to understand that they behave in an unjust and irrational way.
The message of the organization is clearly one of reconciliation between
ethnic groups; a vision closely related to Gilberto Freyre’s (1968) ideal
of ‘racial harmony’. Performa has excellent contacts with both financial
organizations, national as well as international, and the state ministry
of education. The NGO has a large staff, and one of its main preoccupations
is how to secure a safe and uninterrupted funding. Since the funding is
linked to specific projects the staff has to ensure that it has several
projects going on that overlap each other in time; in order not to have
to drastically reduce either the staff or the salaries. The staff is constantly
sketching new projects in line with the themes the funding entities prioritize.
These are subsequently strictly elaborated according to the scheme of
objectives and strategies that the financiers require. Furthermore, there is a network of information
circulating among financial entities, and an organization that has received
funding from many entities has a large advantage when it comes to get
new project applications approved. Frequently, when international NGOs
that previously have not been established in Salvador, try to decide which
local NGOs they want to sponsor when they make their first selection of
potential candidates, they first ask for the opinions of veteran financial
entities. These entities then tend to recommend NGOs of an
intermediary level which are supposed to adhere to project plans
and evaluations schemes in an ordered way, and, even more importantly,
to present carefully elaborated rendering of accounts. All financial entities in Salvador emphasize
certain main subjects and Performa either chose or make adjustments of
the topics they work with in order to fit the priorities of their
financiers. Raça is, for example,
encompassed by ethnicity, and sexual information is categorized under
gender. Administrators from funding organizations and the staff of Performa
meet informally and discuss both applications and project evaluation.
Opinions, evaluations and judgements are smoothly molded during these
encounters. Not once during my stay at Performa were
any of its projects called into question by the funding entities, and
a major preoccupation that people in Performa frequently expressed was
to run out of project ideas and sketches.
The grass-root
organization While Performa is located in an affluent part
of the city Tambores is a grass-root organization, situated in a low-income
district in southern Salvador. It works mainly with different cultural
activities, such as theatre, capoeira,
and music. There are approximately 200 adolescents taking part in the
activities of Tambores. In contrast to Performa the main and outspoken
objective of the organization is to raise the participants’ black consciousness.
The founder and main leader of the organization keeps a firm hold of both
objectives, strategies and activities, and his personal network of national
and international contacts supersedes all other members’ dramatically. The history of colonization and subjugation
is alluded to even more frequently than at Performa, but both the selection
and interpretation of historical events differ from the latter organization.
A historical synthesis of reconciliation, so dominant at Performa, is
totally lacking. Tambores’ main objectives and guidelines are very much
synonymous with their main leader’s preoccupations. And for Andrade the
all encompassing objectives are strengthening of the youngsters’ Afro-Brazilian
self-esteem and consciousness raising. At one meeting he gave a two hour
slightly idiosyncratic speech about the period of slavery and how this
oppression of Afro-Brazilians have continued more or less unaltered until
present. Afterwards he pointed at child after child, asking them; “Are
you still a slave?” The kid had learnt the lesson well and they all answered
yes, but one, who whispered no. Andrade gave a short and irritated recapitulation
of his speech, and then pointed his finger at the boy again. This time
he answered yes. Not only is slavery and symbols of oppression
of this period constantly articulated and explicitly used to interpret
the present and vision the future; society’s hierarchies are also reinterpreted
and inverted. Andrade and his closest associates call them themselves
princes; referring to their descent from imaginary noble Africans, and
more in general; a symbolic allusion to the greatness of the ancient civilizations
in an imagined Africa. Andrade is very skilled at attracting the attention
of national and international financial entities, due to his organizational
capacity and charisma. In spite of this fact, however, Tambores seldom
succeed in having more than one, or a maximum, two funding organizations
at a time. This has as a consequence, among other things, that employment
is very unstable. One year ago Tambores employed a group of six pedagogues,
educadores, that took part in
the various activities with the youth. Just six months afterwards, no
one was left. The specific project period that had received funding ceased,
and they had no other project that was funded. This instability was due to several causes;
they were not as apt as Performa to work out new project sketches; they
did not have the same wide network of contacts with financial entities
as Performa; nor did they enjoy the same confidence. Their funding organization
intervened several times; trying to influence and change several aspects
of their activities. I assert that this was in part a result of Tambores’
status as a grass-root organization; the leaders did not belong to the
same class as the financiers, nor did they move in the same social networks. But, even more importantly, Andrade made much
less adjustments of his objectives and visions in order to adapt to the
overarching themes prioritized by funding organizations. He was, for example,
not ready to change the powerful symbolic power of the folk concept raça
for the less known and more washed out term ethnicity. Nor was he ready
to speak about reconciliation of ethnic groups and classes. Paul Gilroy (1993) states that blacks in Britain
are in a position of double consciousness; that is, they strive to be
both European and black, which, according to the dominant ideology are
mutually exclusive identities. Gilroy proposes that such double identities
dominate among the black Diaspora at large. In Salvador, though, such
a scheme seems extremely simplified. In Salvador it would be more correct
to talk about multiple consciousness; black identity is only evoked in
specific situations, and is always mediated by other multiple identities;
such as class, gender, area of residence and favorite soccer team. But
all these identities form part of a consciousness, that comprises them
all. The group of youth of Performa and of Tambores both express an explicit
Afro-Brazilian identity, but this identity is articulated in very different
ways. And the identity as Afro-Brazilians play a much greater role in
the lives of the more disadvantageous youth of Tambores, than of the more
affluent adolescents of Performa. The mobilizing potential in terms of racial
identity, or to use Melucci’s (1989) term latency, is much larger among
the adolescents in Tambores. There is no discourse of reconciliation among
these youth; on the contrary, its members, at least the leaders, display
racial antagonism and class hostility, a hostility that is strongest against
affluent and educated blacks. In contrast to Tambores there is an almost
equal mix of white and Afro-Brazilian youths in Performa. The latter group
consider that the most important question that Performa confront is racial
discrimination, while the former group either does not mention this problem
or places it far down on their list. But both groups stress reconciliation
when they speak about racial and ethnic hierarchies and discrimination.
The Afro-Brazilians of Performa do not link cultural practices such as
percussion music, dance and capoeira
to a specific Afro-Brazilian identity as strongly as does the youth of
Tambores.
The
black Atlantic According to Gilroy (1993) there exists a kind
of imaginary community among the black dispersed Diaspora
that he labels “the black Atlantic”. This community is supposed
to be characterized by narratives of loss, exile, and journeying, which
serve a mnemonic function; that is, directing the consciousness of the
black Diaspora back to significant, nodal points in its common history
and its social memory. The most important symbol of this “non-traditional
tradition”, to speak with Gilroy’s terms, is without the institution of
slavery. Slavery structures and divides the binary opposition of the diasporic
imagination; on the one hand the creolization, hybridity, rootlessness
and powerlessness of present life; on the other, the mythical Africa that
stands for authenticity, purity and sense of belonging. This contrast
is so powerful that when some of my informants met with a group of Eritreans,
dressed in Western clothes, they were even reluctant to speak with the
Africans them since they considered them to be “false” Africans. They
were too small and did not wear the bright “authentic” clothes my informants
associated with “real Africans”. One of the common factors of the black Diaspora,
according to Gilroy, has been the memory of slavery transmitted from generation
to generation; a memory permeated by feelings of victimage. He goes on
to argue that the black populations have been almost obsessed with questions
of origin and myth that often has provided a shelter from forces that
has tried to threaten or even eradicate their racial communities. However,
Gilroy asserts, when young activists try to upgrade tradition in order
to forge black communities and fight oppression of various kind in the
era of late modernity, they have to transform the sense of victimage for
racial pride and agency. This means that tradition has to be cleansed
of the memory of slavery; the strongest symbol of victimage. But Salvador does definitely not correspond
to this pattern. Very few of my informants recall having heard their parents
or other relatives discuss the period of slavery during their childhood.
On the contrary, it has often been the young activists that have taken
up the discussion of slavery and modern forms of racial discrimination
with their parents. “My mother got mad at me when I came home once from
school and asked her about the times when there was slavery. Nowadays
I have forced her to accept that she is black, and she can even mention
our people’s history with some pride”, one of my informants from Tambores
told me. Racial discrimination in Salvador does not
take the same overt and violent forms as in the USA or in South Africa,
for example (cf. Marx 1998). Informants that have been raised in the interior
can often recall several cases of racial discrimination and abuse, while
the ones that have grown up in Salvador have less conspicuous examples.
There is no doubt that there exists racial discrimination in Salvador,
but it is more on a structural level (cf. Andrews 1992, Hasenbalg 1988)
than on a personal one. Here the period of slavery is evoked and functions
as symbols and mobilizing metaphors, both for demonstrating the continuation
of racial discrimination and for acts of resistance. As Andrade forcefully
said to his disciples after his speech about slavery: “You were slaves
yesterday, and you are slaves today”. But their allusion of slavery does
not bring with it the feelings of victimage Gilroy alleges, since the
Brazilian history is replete with examples of blacks’ resistance, the
most famous examples being slave rebellions and the refuge communities,
os quilombos (Reis 1987, Schwartz
1992). Transnational links, manifested not least by
a flow of persons and information through NGOs, does not lead to a process
of forgetfulness of slavery, but to this memory’s very rebirth and successive
transformation. The history of slavery is drastically invoked to interpret
the present and vision the future; but this past is more articulated,
mediated and even constructed by the intersection of impulses from USA,
Africa and Jamaica, than by transmitted local memory. While Performa talks about reconciliation Tambores
visions a society where class and racial hierarchies are inverted: the
former slaves are transformed into princes. But in order to succeed with
this transformation Tambores’ activists present what Goffman (1974) labels
a “collective action frame”, that is, a series of claims about which experiences
are important, how they should be interpreted, and how they should mould
actions. Certain events and traits are highlighted while others are marginalized
or even eradicated from collective memory (cf. Burdick 1998). The collective
action frames of Performa and Tambores clearly differ. According to Wade (1999) black culture in Colombia
until recently consisted of more or less unreflected practices, that is
lived reality, a way of being in and experiencing the world (cf. Ingold
1992), but is now undergoing a process of objectification, almost approximating
Western concepts of property; an object that can be owned, displayed and
represented. In this respect Wade supports a view that identity is culture
objectified and subsequently reappropriated self-consciously (cf. Wagner
1981). I assert that one can discern several similarities
between the process in Colombia and the one in Salvador. Black culture
in both countries is rapidly experiencing a process of objectification
as it is transformed into an object of discourse of the state, of NGOs
of different kinds
and levels, and, even of unorganized black people themselves. This culture
may well be molded into a culture of resistance; such as the example of
Tambores shows, for example, but on the same time the need to attract
funding and be part of the transnational web of NGOs, suggests that this
objectifying process must also be one of commodification, so that the
cultural fragments can circulate on a transnational market of ideas and
concepts; where it is exactly the local symbols, intermeshed with the
global discourse of “the black Atlantic” that gives them their value on
the NGO-market.
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Örjan Bartholdson is
currently writing his doctoral thesis on the role social movements play
in the articulation and transformation of Afro-Brazilian identity and
consciousness. He is based at the institution of Social Anthropology in
Stockholm, Sweden. His principle publication is a book, “Brazil - the
Dark Continent” (UBVs förlag 1997), about the violence, health and everyday
activities in one of the largest shantytowns of northeastern Brazil. Notable
articles include ”One hundred way to claim that you are not black” (In
Arbetaren, 49, 1998); ”Racism
in Brazil - a Crime against Human Rights” (In Latin
America, 7-8, 1998); ”Large support for death squads in Brazil (In
Amnesty Press 7, 1998); ”Andean
conjugals form a unity”, (In Latin
America no 5, 1993). His area of specialization include Afro-Brazilian
identity and social movements, ethnic differences in Peru, and questions
of ideology, class and power. |